Will An Min-seok's Educational Reform Really Work in the Field? The Reality We Must Face Ahead of the Gyeonggi Provincial Superintendent of Education Election

On June 3, 2026, the superintendent election that will determine Gyeonggi Province's educational future is approaching. With An Min-seok, a five-term congressman with a degree from Seoul National University's College of Education and a Ph.D. in Education from the University of Northern Colorado, confirmed as the single progressive candidate, a full-scale competitive structure has formed between him and incumbent Superintendent Lim Tae-hee. An Min-seok's academic credentials and career are certainly impressive. However, we need to honestly examine how his strong pledges and professional qualifications will actually function in the field and what limitations they might face in the process. This article is written by Shim Jae-woo, CEO of AI Election Solutions, based on over five years of experience in election strategy and policy analysis. While acknowledging An Min-seok's strengths, it reviews the feasibility and anticipated challenges in a balanced manner.

The core of An Min-seok's '10-10 Educational Revolution' is to bind 10 flagship national universities, including Seoul National University, into a single network. This plan to resolve university hierarchies and pursue regional balanced development is very progressive and encouraging as educational philosophy. However, several obstacles are anticipated in reality.

First, there is the matter of university autonomy and competitive logic. The differences in position between Seoul National University and provincial flagship national universities are substantial. Seoul National University will likely be concerned about its historical status and educational assets being 'diluted' within a national university network. It is also important to note that it is difficult to restructure universities across the nation with only the superintendent's authority. This requires involvement from the Ministry of Education, each university's board of directors, and legislative approval from the National Assembly—areas that cannot be pursued by the Gyeonggi Provincial Office of Education alone. Second, there is the complexity of actual college entrance examination system operations. Even if 10 universities operate as a single network, students' application options, differences in status between departments, and regional relocation burdens remain. Moreover, if Gyeonggi Province students prefer to attend provincial flagship national universities in other regions, the practical effect of this network could be limited.

Key Point: While the national university integration network is valuable as an educational policy vision for the superintendent, the actual operation and ripple effects are likely to remain incomplete without cooperation from the Ministry of Education and the National Assembly.

An Min-seok pledged to transform the current relative evaluation college entrance exam into an absolute evaluation-based qualification exam and to reorganize college entrance to focus on high school GPA and creative competency assessments. This is intended to reduce entrance pressure and ease private education expenses, which is educationally sound philosophically. However, this pledge also faces practical obstacles.

First, there is the change in universities' selection criteria. If it becomes a qualification exam, universities will lose their relative selection standards. If it becomes difficult to distinguish top-tier students, universities are likely to strengthen their own entrance systems (interviews, essays, writing exams). This paradoxically could fuel another form of private education demand (entrance consulting, essay academies). Second, there is the limit of the superintendent's authority. The college entrance exam questions and the entire entrance system are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education and the university sector. The Gyeonggi Provincial Office of Education can support how Gyeonggi students prepare, but cannot have the authority to change the national entrance system itself. Third, there is confusion during the transition period. Current high school students and parents are planning their entrance strategies based on the existing relative evaluation college entrance exam. Even if policy transitions occur, a grace period of several years is necessary, and during that process, the anxiety that "my child's entrance might become an experiment" will not easily disappear.

Key Point: The college entrance exam qualification reform is an ideal vision, but without changes to the entire university entrance system backing it, the tangible effects parents feel could be limited.

An Min-seok pledged to support students lacking basic academic skills through an AI-based individualized customized learning platform and promised equal education where residential area or family background do not determine learning outcomes. This is a progressive plan to resolve educational inequality through technology and aligns with incumbent Superintendent Lim Tae-hee's 'AI Teaching and Learning Platform HyLearning' policy. However, we need to be cautious about the actual effects of AI education.

First, educational inequality cannot be solved by technology alone. No matter how sophisticated an AI platform is, a student's concentration, motivation, and the home learning support environment cannot be corrected by algorithms. Students from low-income families are more likely to have lower internet access, device accessibility, and parental learning involvement—areas AI cannot directly resolve. Second, there are issues of data bias and algorithm reliability. AI systems classify students and recommend content based on past learning data. If the data is skewed toward specific groups or learning styles, AI could actually reinforce existing inequality. Additionally, if it is unclear on what criteria the algorithm evaluates students, it will be difficult to gain trust from parents and teachers. Third, there is concern about the diminished role of teachers. If AI automates the learning process excessively, teachers' educational judgment and relationship-building with students could become secondary. Particularly for students lacking basic academic skills, personal encouragement and psychological support are important—areas AI cannot completely replace.

Key Point: AI-customized education is useful as a tool for increasing learning efficiency, but to address the fundamental causes of educational inequality (social and economic gaps), multifaceted measures such as sufficient budget investment, teacher retraining, and student/parent participation are necessary.

An Min-seok is a person with excellent academic credentials and policy experience, but his political career has left several controversies. A Supreme Court guilty verdict was confirmed for spreading false information related to Choi Seo-won (Choi Soon-sil), and his time as a congressman has been repeatedly marked by crude remarks and abuse of power controversies. How these controversies will operate during the election is a very important observation point.

The conservative camp is expected to continue its offensive: "Morality is the most important quality for a superintendent responsible for education, so is it appropriate for a politician who received a guilty verdict for spreading false information?" This tends to operate as personal attacks rather than policy discussion, and can evoke strong psychological rejection from some centrist voters, particularly parents sensitive to their children's education. The actual extent to which morality controversies affect voting patterns during elections is fluid, but considering the symbolism of the superintendent position, it is an unavoidable variable.

Interestingly, An's campaign is responding with a strategy to frame this as "maturity learned from past mistakes" or to ask for "greater attention to his achievements as a policy expert." However, how effective this defensive strategy will be depends on the response of centrist voters.

Key Point: While An Min-seok's policy capabilities are sufficient, the morality controversy is likely to strongly operate as a 'moral fitness' frame in the election process, particularly because of the symbolism of the superintendent position.

An Min-seok was confirmed as the single progressive candidate on April 22, 2026. This is the result of a determination to "unite as one team," based on lessons learned from the progressive division that led to defeat in the 2022 election. A sophisticated single-candidate rule combining poll surveys at 45% and delegates voting at 55% was designed, and An emerged with overwhelming support.

However, the single-candidate process itself can create new problems. First, there is dissatisfaction from the Yu Eun-hye camp. Yu Eun-hye, as Minister of Education in the Moon Jae-in administration, held considerable support within the progressive camp. There remains controversy over her raising claims of poll manipulation during the primary and warning of legal action, and this resentment could weaken internal solidarity during the general election. If some of Yu Eun-hye's supporters abstain from voting or cast blank ballots, An's actual vote count could be lower than polls suggest.

Second, the consolidation of the pro-Lee camp may also be imperfect. An Min-seok, as the architect of former Governor Lee Jae-myung's education policy, has a strong party foundation, but this does not necessarily lead to automatic full support. Actual voting patterns could vary by generation, region, and class.

Third, there is election fatigue. During the extended election process from primary to general election, voters' interest could wane. Particularly, unaffiliated voters are maintaining distance from both camps, so without sufficient motivation, it could lead to lower turnout. The fact that An Min-seok's support among unaffiliated voters is currently below 10% in polls suggests this.

Key Point: Single candidacy was a strategic choice for the progressive camp, but the internal resentment generated during the process and the loss of momentum among previous supporters could have greater-than-expected impact in the general election.

Incumbent Superintendent Lim Tae-hee is placing 'depoliticization'—"protecting education from politics"—at the forefront. This is a direct attack on An Min-seok's strong political coloring. He also has the structural advantage of incumbent premium, and it is necessary to assess how important this variable is in the election.

Lim Tae-hee's strengths are as follows. First, there are visible results from the 'AI Teaching and Learning Platform HyLearning.' It is already being applied in school settings, and some teachers and parents are giving positive evaluations. Concrete "what is already being implemented" can give voters more confidence than abstract pledges. Second, there is a four-year record of financial support. Gyeonggi Province has the largest student population, so the education office budget is the largest in the nation. How Lim Tae-hee has executed this enormous budget and whether the results are noticeable is important.

However, there are limits to the incumbent premium. First, there is the issue of generalizing results. HyLearning does not show identical effects in all schools. In rural farming and fishing area schools or classrooms with poor online environments, it may not function properly. When such uneven effects are promoted as a general 'success case,' voters who haven't actually benefited can feel distanced. Second, there is evaluation fatigue from four years. The incumbent superintendent ultimately faces evaluation of all policies and budget execution during that period. Not just positive evaluations, but criticisms like "why wasn't this policy implemented?" and "wasn't the budget wasted?" are also raised.

Key Point: The incumbent premium and 'depoliticization' stance are strong assets for Superintendent Lim Tae-hee, but as specific four-year achievements and their limitations are evaluated, these advantages could become relative as time passes.

| Item | An Min-seok Candidate | Superintendent Lim Tae-hee | Considerations for Actual Application |
|------|-----------|-----------|----------|
| AI Role Definition | A means of returning learning authority to students | A tool to reduce teacher administrative burden and maximize efficiency | Both approaches are needed, but teacher resistance possible, initial cost burden |
| Resolving University Hierarchy | Structural transformation through national university integration network | Indirect resolution through diverse career support within public education | Integration is difficult to realize, indirect support requires time |
| Reducing Entrance Pressure | Fundamental transformation through college entrance exam qualification reform | Strengthening student support within current system | Qualification reform requires university cooperation, support within current system has partial effects |
| Policy Implementation Strength | Strong political leadership and legislative experience | Administrative capacity within current institutions | Strong implementation strength may provoke resistance, current system limits change |
| Risk Factors | Past controversies, politicization concerns | Limited institutional reform, limited visible achievements within term | Both likely to be highlighted during election process |

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The most notable indicator in current polling is the extremely low support among unaffiliated voters (below 10%). This means both candidates are failing to adequately persuade the centrist voters. For centrist voters, the following questions may be more important than political affiliations: Who can truly better support "my child's education"? What is "needed right now" in schools rather than grand policies? Is the superintendent truly a person focused only on education, or does he have other political ambitions?

Q1. If An Min-seok becomes Gyeonggi Provincial Superintendent of Education, how will my child's entrance exam change?

A. For An Min-seok's college entrance exam qualification reform pledge to be realized, approval from the Ministry of Education and universities is essential. The Gyeonggi Provincial Office of Education alone cannot change the national entrance system. However, for Gyeonggi Province students specifically, AI-based learning support and strengthened creative competency education can be pursued within the superintendent's authority. What is important is that policies will be implemented gradually over several years. If you currently have high school-age children, it is realistic to prepare based on the current system while expecting additional support from the education office.

Q2. Will An Min-seok's past controversies (morality) have decisive influence on the election results?

A. It will certainly influence the election results, but it is difficult to say it will be "decisive." Historically, past politician controversies have sometimes determined elections, while in other cases policy pledges or current issues have operated much more strongly. In this election, ①the degree of unity within the progressive camp, ②how much centrist voters prioritize "policy," and ③evaluation of Superintendent Lim's incumbent performance will operate in combination. The morality controversy is certainly a burden, but it is expected that the election will not be decided by that alone.

Q3. Can "AI-Customized Education" Really Reduce Learning Gaps?

A. AI systems can certainly help increase learning efficiency. However, the fundamental causes of educational gaps (family background, socioeconomic conditions, psychological stability) cannot be solved by AI algorithms. AI is only a supplementary tool, and it alone is insufficient. Therefore, along with AI policy, ①sufficient budget for struggling basic literacy students, ②strengthening teachers' individual support capabilities, and ③support for improving home learning environments must be implemented together to expect practical effects. Realistically, the first five years of AI implementation should be viewed as a "pilot phase."

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An Min-seok is certainly a person with academic foundation and policy experience. Seoul National University College of Education graduate, University of Northern Colorado Ph.D. in Education, 20 years of legislative activity, former chairman of the National Assembly's Education Committee—all of this proves his expertise. The 'TenTen Educational Revolution' is a bold vision, and his determination to break down educational hierarchies and resolve educational inequality appears genuine.

However, there is also something we must honestly acknowledge. Macro-level policies are difficult to fully realize with just the authority of a superintendent position. University structural reform, entrance system transformation, and AI's educational effects—all of these require cooperation from government, universities, teachers, parents, and society at large. Additionally, past controversies will be repeatedly highlighted during the election, which will hinder his policy message delivery.

Ultimately, the 2026 Gyeonggi Provincial Superintendent of Education election is a choice between "a politician with strong vision" and "an administrator who manages the current system stably." The former promises fundamental change but comes with risk, while the latter pursues gradual improvement but has limited innovation. Which is the "correct" choice will depend on each Gyeonggi resident's educational philosophy, their child's entrance situation, and their confidence in the future.

AI Election Solutions has conducted election strategy and policy analysis work in Seoul's Jung-gu for over five years and provides data-based balanced perspectives in this analysis as well. If you need more in-depth consultation and analysis on the superintendent election, please contact 010-2397-5734 or jaiwshim@gmail.com.

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Having abundant political leadership and legislative experience does not guarantee implementation capacity in the education office field. Unlike a congressman, a superintendent must promote policies within a direct relationship with teachers, education officials, and parent networks. An Min-seok's structural transformation like the 'TenTen Educational Revolution' is likely to provoke teacher resistance. In particular, introducing AI-based education systems is not just system building but includes ①teacher retraining, ②paradigm shift in existing teaching methods, and ③managing initial chaos, and teacher resistance could be severe in this process. Additionally, national university integration networks and college entrance exam qualification reform require extensive consultation among the Ministry of Education, universities, and provincial education offices, making it a separate question whether An Min-seok as Gyeonggi Superintendent can lead these efforts.

The biggest weakness of the incumbent superintendent is the speed of innovation. Strengthening student support within the current system, protecting teacher rights, and promoting life-focused policies are certainly valuable work. However, structural problems like entrance pressure, educational hierarchy, and educational inequality are difficult to solve visibly within a four-year term. While all of Superintendent Lim's policies are certainly "good and sincere," they do not alleviate parents' fundamental anxieties. For example, expanding after-school programs to reduce private education is good policy, but if the university entrance system still doesn't change, parents cannot abandon private education. In other words, Superintendent Lim's policies are excellent at "symptom relief" but may be unable to "cure the disease's root cause." This criticism cannot be avoided.

Once the Gyeonggi Provincial Office of Education's budget is confirmed, practically speaking, there is extremely limited surplus available. Because personnel costs (teacher salaries, education official salaries) account for 65-70% of the total budget. Therefore, An Min-seok's new policies like AI system implementation, teacher training, and creative education infrastructure construction ultimately require budget reallocation or national treasury support, which means cutting projects in other areas. For example, if pledging to invest 20 billion won annually in AI-customized education, the dilemma arises of which to reduce: dormitory construction, library improvements, or special education support. Superintendent Lim faces the same situation, pressured to strengthen teacher rights and education welfare while facing budget reduction pressure due to declining student numbers. Ultimately, there is a very high possibility that during implementation of both candidates' grand pledges, priority adjustments and partial scaling back of some pledges will follow.

Campaign teams maximize the candidate's vision as an advantage. However, before actual education policy reaches the field, it goes through several stages: consultation, verification, and budget review processes. Even An Min-seok's "first 100 days pledges" following his election would actually be pursued over ①forming a TF team within the education office (1 month), ②detailed policy design and legal review (2-3 months), and ③budget compilation and National Assembly approval (4-6 months), so students' tangible experience of change is likely to come mid-term or later. Superintendent Lim's current policies went through the same process, so the "satisfaction level" shown in opinion polls may actually only reflect the initial phase effects of policies. This is exactly what easily misleads centrist voters: Rather than "who says better things," you must coldly judge "what difficulties will this policy encounter during actual implementation?"

An Min-seok's past controversies are not reducible to the simple question of "is this person morally upright?" When these controversies are repeatedly raised during the election process, ①his policy message becomes diluted, ②political confrontation risks changing from "policy comparison" to "personal attacks," and ③voter fatigue increases. As a result, centrist voters desire a "clean choice," which gives absolute advantage to incumbent Superintendent Lim Tae-hee. Moreover, if An Min-seok wins but past controversies lead to legal trials afterward, this could substantially interfere with the superintendent's performance. Unlike the incumbent superintendent, the position of a "new superintendent amid controversy" can provoke psychological resistance from teachers and education officials during policy implementation.

The biggest problem with the 2026 Gyeonggi Provincial Superintendent of Education election is that regardless of who wins, the gap between campaign pledges and reality will be confronted. An Min-seok's strong vision is certainly attractive, but political leadership alone cannot achieve structural change in the education system. Superintendent Lim's stability certainly provides confidence, but whether it can dramatically reduce entrance anxiety and private education burden is uncertain.

The perspective centrist voters should maintain is as follows: ①Rather than the candidate's words themselves, ask "what is necessary for this policy to actually function in the field?", ②evaluate both past controversies and current performance with equal weight, but make the final judgment centered on factors directly connected to "my child's education," and ③pre-recognize the practical constraints the superintendent will face after election (budget, teacher resistance, lack of central government cooperation, etc.), and therefore avoid having excessive expectations. The election is certainly an important choice, but more important than that is judgment about "who can respond to reality's walls more wisely after taking office?"

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